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There are monthly Chinatown lunches of the Federalist Society, a network of right-wing judicial extremists. But there are also weekly Wednesday night gatherings of under-30 conservatives, called the Third Generation, at the Heritage.
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Most prominent is Grover Norquist's famous Wednesday meetings, which convene a who's who of conservative activists from 70 or so groups with grass-roots operations, from the NRA to the Christian Coalition, plus conservative congressional aides and writers who serve as movement propagandists. But Brock reveals a remarkable array of efforts to coordinate activities. The right is no less ego-laden and disputatious than progressives.
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(And unlike Reagan and both Bushes, who deliberately filled their staffs with up-and-coming right-wing operatives, the Clinton administration, wary of progressives with an ideological agenda, prided itself on its independence from ideology rather than on strengthening and credentialing a new generation of progressive leaders.) Liberal foundations, by contrast, create think tanks like the New America Foundation, which markets itself as the voice of a new generation, and prides itself on its ideological muddle. They fund Heritage, Empower America, and other groups explicitly charged with propagating a right-wing agenda. They make no pretense of funding nonpartisan research, or independent inquiry into public issues.
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They set out to build an infrastructure on the right - from scabrous college journals like The Dartmouth Review to cushy think tanks, journals of opinion, issue lobbies, and grass-roots operations. Brock describes in passing the large fortunes and foundations - Richard Mellon Scaife, Smith Richardson, Coors, Olin - that pour millions into right-wing institutions, and guide corporate and Wall Street money to them as well. The money on the right is also entirely ideological. The Heritage Foundation, the most influential conservative think tank, runs on more than $25 million a year the Economic Policy Institute, the premier think tank of progressives, gets by on less than $6 million annually.
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The imbalance between right and left is neither secret nor surprising. Most formidable, of course, is the right's money machine. Here the contrast between the right-wing apparat and what exists on the left is stark. More important is what Brock describes in passing: the institutions and arrangements that enable the right to drive the political debate. William Bennett, America's self-nominated moralist, employs a stable of ghost writers to churn out his books. Emmett Tyrrell of The American Spectator is a "public moralist" and a private woman-chasing, hard-drinking "fun-loving libertine," living high on the hog off money from the tax-exempt foundation that funds the magazine. Richard Mellon Scaife, a right-wing financier, was a "gutter drunk." The Moonie-run Washington Times would routinely "Prudenize" news stories - that is, slant them rightward on the diktat, or by the hand, of then-editor Wesley Pruden, whose father was "chaplain of the White Citizens Council of Arkansas, an adjunct to the Ku Klux Klan." R. What Brock adds is how it felt from the inside, along with delicious and venomous snapshots of various gems in the right-wing diadem. The "vast right-wing conspiracy" against Clinton isn't news. And he regrets that he was part of the right-wing jihad against Clinton that so poisoned American politics. Brock now admits that Hill was probably right about Thomas, and that the troopers were surely embellishing their Clinton stories. That story led Paula Jones to join right-wing zealots by bringing her suit against Clinton. He went on to spark "Troopergate," the sex-obsessed investigations of Clinton, with his story - based on interviews with Arkansas state troopers - of Clinton's sexual escapades as governor. But along the way, Brock tours the political infrastructure that makes the right wing so formidable.īrock exploded on the national scene with his assault of Hill in defense of then-Supreme Court nominee Clarence Thomas. The trek is mired in bogs of sophomoric self-analysis and pop psychology. He describes his journey from unformed gay, vaguely libertarian Berkeley undergraduate to closeted right-wing wordsmith to hit man on Anita Hill and Bill Clinton to remorseful independent. His extended mea culpa - Blinded by the Right: The Conscience of an Ex Conservative - recounts the tale of a recovering right-winger.